A Bridge for the Future – Ditmir Bushati, July 2024

The repeal of this absurd war law, which Greece still upholds against Albania, would also be seen as a gesture of care toward the Greek national minority. As long as the law remains in effect, it allows for the sequestration of property belonging to the Albanian state and Albanian citizens—including those of Greek ethnicity.

Declarations or resolutions by the Albanian Parliament carry significant weight because they embody the political will of the people’s representatives. Usually, they are issued in matters requiring awareness or pressure—either on the government or society in general. These documents often include specific duties and a reporting and oversight mechanism before Parliament.

In the conduct of foreign policy, timing and context are essential when undertaking specific actions. For example, in 2013, due to fluctuations in Albania’s foreign policy, the Parliament adopted a resolution requesting the government to include the "Cham issue" as part of its diplomatic agenda with Greece and to report back to Parliament on its progress. A few months later, this issue was included in the political program approved by Parliament on September 15, 2013, to be addressed in accordance with international standards of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Eleven years later, the Parliament has adopted a declaration on a matter which, since the imposition of the state of war, has never raised any doubt within any Albanian government—regardless of regime type. Immediately after World War II, Albania requested the repeal of the law from Greece at the Paris Peace Conference in 1947. Likewise, upon the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Greece in 1971, Albania consistently demanded the repeal of this legal regime.

It is important to note that the range of unresolved issues with Greece extends beyond the war law. Albanian-Greek relations are a typical Balkan relationship—marked by intense emotions, where episodes of irrationality or the blurring of foreign and domestic policy lines are not uncommon.

To address unresolved matters and open a new chapter in bilateral relations, a systematic listing of these issues was undertaken in late 2013. These later formed what is known as the “package of bilateral issues,” encompassing a timeline from the imposition of the war law by Greece to contemporary matters. Throughout this dynamic bilateral process, relevant constitutional institutions in Albania and key international organizations of which Albania is a member were kept informed about the progress of discussions. Media outlets have also reported on positions taken by representatives of these international institutions on specific issues.

It is often overlooked that this process led to the resolution of several issues that had a tangible impact on citizens. The toponymy issue, addressed in accordance with UN rules and practices, removed obstacles for Albanian citizens crossing borders. Greece lifted its reservation on the use of apostille stamps, saving Albanian citizens around 5 million euros annually in document-related costs.

Approximately 150,000 Albanian citizens benefited from the resolution of issues related to registering children born in Greece to parents without legal residency. Albanian driving licenses were also recognized—saving individuals in Greece up to 800 euros for license validation procedures. The review of school textbooks resumed based on the 1998 agreement, with both parties exchanging findings regarding issues of concern in respective educational materials.

For the implementation of the 2009 agreement regarding the search, exhumation, identification, and reburial of Greek soldiers who died in Albania during the Greco-Italian War of 1940–1941—and the construction of their burial site in Albanian territory—several technical protocols were adopted. These aimed to: (i) confirm the number of Greek casualties; (ii) identify the excavation zones; (iii) determine identification methods; (iv) ensure the presence of all relevant institutions during exhumations; and (v) maintain proper documentation.

Regarding the remaining unresolved issues in the bilateral package, there was documented progress at the state level, though not yet final solutions. Political changes in Greece in mid-2019 brought the return to power of the “New Democracy” party, which was in government during the signing of the 2009 maritime delimitation agreement with Albania—a deal the party had hailed as Greece’s greatest foreign policy achievement.

The political shift in Greece brought a different approach to the unresolved package—particularly how the maritime delimitation issue was separated and will now be addressed. For instance, the package also included agreements on the management of border pyramids and markers, as well as cross-border cooperation. Although not legally interconnected, finalizing these agreements alongside the maritime delimitation would conclusively resolve all border-related issues and quash any territorial claims from extremist factions.

Despite long-standing efforts to keep the maritime delimitation a bilateral matter, its resolution has now become part of the EU Negotiation Framework that will guide Albania’s accession talks. Although the EU includes member states that haven’t resolved their own maritime issues, the insistence by Greece to insert this bilateral issue—solvable under international law—into the EU agenda places unfair pressure on Albania.

Negotiating the package of issues also helped reduce prejudices. The June public opinion survey by the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy on Albanian-Greek relations shows a progressive reduction in prejudices within Greek society regarding unresolved bilateral matters, including the Cham issue. Of course, this does not erase the fact that segments within the ruling “New Democracy” party continue to ignite old nationalist sentiments and promote a condescending approach toward Albania.

Nevertheless, the most encouraging finding from the Greek public opinion survey concerns the widespread acceptance of Albanians living and working in Greece as a progressive force—one that compels a new dynamic in bilateral relations. Nothing in Albanian-Greek relations is unknown. Identifying problems and raising concerns should not be confused with efforts to find appropriate solutions. First, time is needed to heal the "wounds" suffered, particularly in the past year, and to escape the current state between conflict and discomfort. Then, declarative acts must give way to strategic discipline in addressing and resolving all pending issues with neighbors.

Geography and history are irreplaceable elements in interstate relations. No one chooses their neighbors—just as happy and difficult days are lived alongside them. At the same time, history allows us to draw lessons and look to the future with optimism. Nothing is impossible in Albanian-Greek relations, as long as there is mutual will to build a shared European future. This requires abandoning past mentalities and recognizing that we live in a turbulent era in terms of security—where resolving outstanding issues with neighbors is a priority. Above all, Albanian-Greek relations demand the construction of a solid bridge for the future, without being held hostage by the past.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ditmir Bushati, former Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, former Member of the Albanian Parliament.

The opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation or the organizations the authors work for.